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RILES Composting Toilet in Puerto Morelos, Mexico

A view inside the bathroom of the RILES Composting Toilet
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Killer Sanitation: The
Paradox Revealed with Solutions

by Laura Orlando & Penny Fujiko
Willgerodt
In late October 1995, in the small town of Greenland, New Hampshire,
Wheelabrator Water Technologies, Inc. dumped 650 tons of sewage sludge
on Rosamond Hughes' field. After sitting for several days, the sludge
was dragged across the field's surface with a tractor, and then spread
repeatedly for the next three weeks. As it dried, it was blown by steady
winds toward the home of 26-year-old Shayne Conner, 300 feet away.
Almost immediately, Conner, his family, and their neighbors began to
get sick. Overcome by the stench, they started vomiting. They felt burning
sensations in their eyes, throats and lungs. They experienced nosebleeds,
headaches, congestion, fever and nausea. They had difficulty breathing.
And then, on a quiet day in November––less than one month
after the sludge was dumped on the Hughes' property––Shayne
Conner died.
There have been at least two other cases of human death attributed to
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regulated sewage sludge. In 1994,
Tony Behun, an eleven-year-old boy from Pennsylvania, rode his bike through
a field where sludge was dumped. Soon afterwards, he became ill with
skin lesions, fever, and respiratory problems. He died from kidney failure
four days later. Russell and Antoinette Pennock’s seventeen-year-old
son, Daniel, died in 1995 of a massive bacterial infection after walking
on a field where sewage sludge had been applied. Though the EPA has
no system to track and respond to health complaints related to exposure
to sewage sludge, over three hundred and fifty people have reported sludge-based
health incidents to the Cornell Waste Management Institute alone.
In the wealthiest country in the world, people are dying from the industrial
end product of state-of-the-art sewage treatment systems. In the Global
South, 2.4 billion people have no access to any kind of sanitary waste
management. What this translates into, among other horrors, is a child
dying every 10 seconds because of inadequate sanitation. Bill McKibben
noted that this “steady drip, drip, drip of daily dying has not
lead to a political crisis,” and instead is “more like background
noise.” Some background noise.
SLUDGE
Sewage sludge is the inevitable byproduct of sewage treatment,
created in the attempt to retrieve clean water from sewage. The more
thorough
the attempt to clean the sewer water, the more thoroughly noxious the
residue—the sludge—will be. Sludge routinely contains industrial
wastes, hospital wastes, heavy metals, and synthetic organic compounds
(e.g., PCBs, PBDEs and dioxin), as well as human fecal waste. There
are as many as 100,000 chemicals used in American industry, and every
year about a thousand new chemical compounds are put into commercial
use. All of these can potentially enter the wastewater stream, and any
that do can end up in the sludge.
In 1993, EPA initiated its sewage sludge regulatory program and, along
with it, an aggressive program to promote sludge as a “safe” fertilizer
to farmers and the public. Part of this effort included EPA’s introduction
of the public relations term “biosolids,” which it uses interchangeably
with the technical term “sewage sludge.”
The EPA categorically denies that land applied sewage sludge is harmful.
But the claim of harm to animals and land was litigated to judgment by
at least one court in the United States. In June 2003, a Georgia Superior
Court ruled in Boyceland Dairy v. City of Augusta that the deaths of
300 dairy cows on the Boyceland Dairy farm were caused by sewage sludge.
The hay fed to the prize-winning cows had been grown on land where sludge
had been applied in conformance with EPA rules.
In a 2002 report, the EPA’s own Office of the Inspector General
concluded that, “EPA cannot assure the public that current land
application practices are protective of human health and the environment."
Meanwhile, in 2002 alone, over 5 million dry tons of sludge was put on
American farmland.
What we do with sludge now is a public health and environmental disaster.
Why is the United States so invested in the sewers and sewage treatment
plants that produce toxic sludge? Since passage of the Clean Water Act
in 1972, many communities have had no choice but to put in sewers and
build expensive sewage treatment plants. The resulting multi-billion
dollar sewering effort created a powerful wastewater industry. The EPA,
while ostensibly charged with protecting the environment, caters to that
industry and other corporate interests.
The disposal of sludge is the immediate problem with which we are faced;
sewers and central sewage treatment plants that must unceasingly produce
sludge is the deeper problem. Using water as a transportation medium
for waste materials was the fundamental mistake that gave rise to so
destructive and unfixable a sequence of mistaken technologies: sewers
leading to vast water pollution; vast water pollution leading to sewage
treatment; sewage treatment leading to the production of an unusable
mix of all the pollutants that treatment could remove—sludge, the
climax inherent in sewers and the water carriage of wastes. The spending
of resources—time, energy, materials, money—on upgrading
the level of wastewater treatment, on the construction of sewerage, or
on efforts to “clean up” sludge, can be no more than a waste
of all those resources. The time and energy and money should be spent
instead on developing systems that do not cause the problems caused by
sewers.
What can and should be done immediately, and where should we be heading?
First, there should be a federal ban on land spreading of sewage sludge.
No regulatory “fixing,” but instead an outright ban on this
disposal method, as demanded by 73 farm, food safety, and environmental
organizations that petitioned the EPA in October 2003.
Second, to solve the problem of the few septic systems that are failing
in the thousands of communities across the country that rely on septic
systems: do not sewer. Instead, install on-site remediation technologies;
there are many already on the market, these including upgraded septic
systems that are superior in their ability to prevent or abate pollution.
The advantages of a sewer-avoidance program are great. Pollution problems
can first be dealt with locally, at their source, where it is possible
to focus on the worst polluters and actual failures. Real capital and
maintenance costs are always much less for on-site systems than for central
sewering and treatment. With on-site treatment, development of communities
is not bound to the rigid grid of sewer lines; and most importantly,
the problem of water pollution becomes solvable instead of merely movable.
Third, in those cities and towns already sewered, implement a back-off-the-sewer
program. That is, begin the process of intercepting—and recovering
for recycling—resources as close to the source as possible. We
must begin by changing the Clean Water Act, which now funds sewers
and treatment plants, so that federal funding is made available for
research into technologies necessary for the separation, recovery,
and recycling—at the source—of industrial wastes. We must
begin the work of turning the Clean Water Act into a pollution prevention
act. Certainly as long as there are sewers, controlling industrial
wastes will not by itself solve the sludge problem. However, it will
reduce the range and quantity of materials entering the sewage stream
and thereby both decrease the burden on central treatment facilities
and the volume and toxicity of sludge produced. The aim here, too,
is to move away altogether from water carriage of wastes and the hopeless
tasks it entails.
SANITATION CRISIS IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH
One of the Millennium Development
Goals affirmed at the 2000 Earth Summit in Johannesburg is to halve
the proportion of people who do not have
access to basic sanitation by 2015. The vast majority of these people
live in the Global South. To achieve this target, an additional 2.2
billion people will need access to sanitation, or to put it in more salient
terms,
sanitation facilities will have to be provided to 384,000 people every
day for 15 years.
“Providing sanitation facilities” is akin to saying, “plugging
the ozone hole.” One might be fooled into thinking there is a single
fix, but these problems demand a complex mix of solutions. It is as much
about policy and economics as it is about technology and education. And
it is not only about ending the drip, drip, drip of daily dying, but
also about acknowledging sustainable sanitation’s contribution
to individual dignity and human rights. Gro Harlem Brundtl, former Director-General
of the World Health Organization (WHO) and Carol Bellamy, Executive Director
of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) wrote that: “Access
to safe water and to sanitary means of excreta disposal are universal
needs and, indeed, basic human rights. They are essential elements of
human development and poverty alleviation and constitute an indispensable
component of primary health care…Inadequate sanitation, hygiene
and water result not only in more sickness and death, but also in higher
health costs, lower worker productivity, lower school enrolment and retention
rates of girls and, perhaps most importantly, the denial of the rights
of all people to live in dignity.”
When it comes to investing in sanitation, however, bringing health and
dignity to poor people is not high on the list. The lion's share of such
investment goes to sewerage in urban areas, subsidizing services for
industrial development, the middle class, and the rich. During the UN-declared
International Water and Sanitation Decade (1980-1990), funding for sanitation
skyrocketed. But according to Frank Hartvelt, deputy director of the
Science and Technology Private Sector Division of the UN Development
Programme, 80% of all investment went to "well-off urban areas,
for expensive installations."
If the World Water Commission has its way, expensive installations might
not always mean sewers. In 1998, the UN set up the World Water Commission
to examine water issues. In its Vision Report, published in 2000, the
Commission identified what it called "a vital need for high tech
innovation." As an example of this, the Report suggested "the
use of computer chips to control the digestion process in smart-composting
toilets." Good for Intel: bad for the nearly three billion people
without any toilet. The digestion process in composting toilets needs
carbon––chopped leaves or wood chips––not silicon.
People in the Global South live in a world rich enough to afford a universal
level of sanitation that would help to protect their health and welfare.
But regardless of how much money is available, we will trade one set
of problems for another unless we radically rethink how that money is
spent.
A MODEL FOR SUSTAINABLE SANITATION
The truth is, neither sewers nor computer
chips in composting toilets are functionally or environmentally sustainable.
Instead, what is needed
are sanitation systems that keep toxic and human wastes separate,
prevent pollution, and return the nutrients in urine and feces to the
soil
as fertilizers. Small projects have demonstrated systems that accomplish
these goals while also being culturally appropriate, locally responsible,
affordable, functional, and even beautiful.
One example can be found on the Caribbean coast of Mexico, a fragile
ecosystem that is home to 600,000 people and four million tourists. Since
1993, the ReSource Institute for Low Entropy Systems (RILES)––a
nonprofit concerned with sanitation––has built about 400
composting toilets in the Yucatan Peninsula. Most are paid for by their
owners: maids, gardeners, masons, carpenters, schoolteachers, doctors,
editors, tourism operators, hotels, municipalities, and retired Americans,
to name a few. All of them are functioning well. Word has spread that
they have no smell, do not fill up, can be in the house or outside, and
can be hooked to a water toilet or not; that there is somebody around
who knows how to maintain them; and that there are people who will gladly
take away and use the fertilizer that these systems produce. The fact
that these composting toilets are also beautiful is no small part of
their success. The first few were built in houses with dirt floors, but
soon wealthy people with beachfront homes wanted them. Because of their
aesthetic appeal, the toilets have won acceptance across class boundaries.
In an effort to build a local infrastructure to keep up with demand and
maintain quality control, RILES is establishing three Mexican corporations:
a company to prefabricate the composting toilets; a workers' cooperative
to install and maintain them, while providing custom bathroom construction
for interested clients; and a nonprofit organization to carry out education
and policy-related work.
Why not just hand out blueprints and leave it at that?
It doesn't work; it has been demonstrated over and over again that there
is an infinite number of ways to build a composting toilet so that it
does not function well. Training and supervision take care of this, and
regular maintenance keeps the toilets working. Homeowners need support
for these things. Add to this the fact that there is a social change
element to the project, and you can see why a blueprint won't do the
trick.
Though do-it-yourself construction can be an effective way to get some
on-site systems built for low-income households, many other components
are needed to bring these efforts to scale. Providing sustainable sanitation
technologies for billions of people will require replacing the existing
engineering and financial infrastructure that currently supports sewerage
with one that supports ecological innovations in waste treatment.
That, in turn, will require significant fiscal and political commitments by
governments, new policies that adhere to basic ground rules for sustainable
sanitation, and organizations – nonprofit, for-profit, and combinations
of both––that are committed to recasting global sanitation. And
whatever the technology, people will have to want it.
What is needed is a new approach consisting of:
- principles that put source
separation first in the decision-making hierarchy;
- people who approach
sanitation from both a health and ecological perspectives;
- financing––both
private and public––to develop
production and marketing capabilities;
- easy access by those who want
sustainable sanitation technologies to those who can deliver, install
and maintain them;
- financial packages to help people pay for toilets;
and
- government policies that punish polluters, reward ecological innovators,
and promote and help pay for universal sustainable sanitation coverage.
The fact that half of the people in the world do not have a toilet reflects
government priorities that are politically and morally bankrupt. The
fact that the other half has little or no access to sustainable sanitation
reflects misconceptions about conventional sanitation systems and what
they can and cannot do. Under the current system, everyone suffers. But
it doesn't have to be that way.
Laura Orlando is a civil engineer, executive director of the ReSource
Institute for Low Entropy Systems (http://www.riles.org), and associate
director of the Program for the Ecology of Human Systems at the Boston
University School of Public Health. She has been working on sustainable
sanitation issues in the US and abroad for over 15 years. She can be
contacted at orlando@riles.org or 617-524-7258. Penny Fujiko Willgerodt
is a vice president & senior philanthropic advisor with Rockefeller
Philanthropy Advisors.
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